North Carolina is one of the few states to keep detailed statistics on homeschoolers—who are famously resistant to scrutiny, and for good reason—and officials in the state recorded an interesting development this year. After dipping from a pandemic-era high when public schools were closed or generally making a poor job of remote learning, the ranks of homeschoolers have again begun to rise. With census figures showing similar growth elsewhere, we have further evidence that DIY education is here to stay.

Homeschooling Surges Again

In the Statistical Summary for Homeschools 2023–2024, compiled by the state's Department of Administration, the number of registered K–12 homeschools in North Carolina stands at 96,529. Each school can serve more than one student, and the estimated number of homeschooled K–12 students is 157,642. That's down from the peak of 112,614 registered homeschools serving an estimated 179,900 students during the chaos of 2020–2021, but up from 94,154 registered homeschools and 152,717 students last year. Before the pandemic, in 2019–2020, 94,863 homeschools served 149,173 students.

For K–12 private schools, enrollment is up from 126,678 in 2022–2023 to 131,230 in 2023–2024. In 2019–2020, before the pandemic, North Carolina private schools had 103,959 students enrolled.

By contrast, traditional public school enrollment is declining.

"Traditional public schools have 1,358,003 students in 2023-24, losing 0.4% of students from last year to this year and down 3.6% overall from before COVID-19," according to Chantal Brown of EducationNC, which covers education issues in the state. "Charter schools have 139,985 students in 209 schools in 2023-24, gaining 4.9% over last year."

North Carolina isn't alone. In May, Carly Flandro of Idaho Education News found, based on Census Bureau Household Pulse Survey data, "about 6% of Idaho students were home-schooled, on average, during the past two school years. And the state data that is available shows increases since the height of the pandemic. At the same time, public school enrollment dipped this year for the first time since the 2020-21 school year."

Newsweek's Suzanne Blake added that Texas also saw a rise in homeschooling in a continuation of a trend that began "even before the pandemic."

A National Taste for DIY Education

In fact, the Census Bureau's Household Pulse Survey, which takes a continuing series of snapshots of data over the course of each year, shows a national increase among the ranks of homeschooled students from roughly 3.6 million in 2022–2023 to about 4 million this past year (there's variation depending on the snapshot you examine, so it's best to look for averages). Meanwhile, public school enrollment declines.

Based on average of survey data from 2022–2023, Johns Hopkins University's Homeschool Hub, which compiles information about DIY education, estimates that 5.82 percent of American K-12 students were homeschooled that year. Of course, that's down from the height of the pandemic when public schools closed or just dropped the ball.

"In the first week (April 23-May 5) of Phase 1 of the Household Pulse Survey, about 5.4% of U.S. households with school-aged children reported homeschooling," the Census Bureau reported of comparing data from the spring of 2020 to the fall of that year. "By fall, 11.1% of households with school-age children reported homeschooling (Sept. 30-Oct. 12)."

But before the pandemic, the folks at the Homeschool Hub remind us, "homeschooled students between the ages of 5 and 17 made up 2.8% of the total student population in the United States in 2019." That means that, while a lot of families that took to homeschooling out of necessity returned to familiar public schools when they could, enough stuck with it to more than double the number of homeschooled kids. With COVID-19 and intrusive public health policies largely a bad memory, homeschooling continues as an increasingly popular practice as a matter of choice.

Fleeing Public Schools…

In a June article about declining public school enrollment in EducationWeek, Mark Lieberman explained that about half of the loss can be attributed to population changes as the number of kids declines, but about 20 percent fled to private alternatives and another 20 percent turned to homeschooling. (Another 10 percent are unaccounted for, though some probably skipped kindergarten and others may be in DIY arrangements such as homeschooling and microschools, but unreported.)

Lieberman delved into the school choice programs that let education funds follow students to the options of their choice rather than being assigned to brick-and-mortar public schools. But he didn't examine what might drive families to abandon the familiar for education alternatives the require greater dedication and commitment.

Disappointment with schools' pandemic responses clearly played a role in driving many families to try educating their own kids—and many liked the experience. But so do endless battles over how kids are taught and, especially, what is incorporated in the lessons presented to them by often deeply politicized schools. To please one faction of parents with spin that they like is to inherently alienate others.

…To Escape Pointless Conflicts

"Schools in many parts of the U.S. have become a battleground and parental involvement is one of the topics at the center," ABC News reported last September. "Fights in school board meetings, including in Chester County, [Pennsylvania] have erupted over how race, sexual orientation, gender and other topics are brought up, or taught, in the classroom."

Families can fight school administrators and other parents in struggles that inevitably leave those on the losing side unhappy with lesson content. It makes sense for those who lose to withdraw their children from the public schools in favor of lesson plans and approaches that meet their standards. For that matter, it's tempting for even those on the winning side to forego the curriculum wars and just pick the education they like for their kids without battling their neighbors. Why argue with your ideological opponents over what should be taught when you can ignore them and teach your kids what you please?

"When parents can choose where and how their children will be educated, they're no longer at the mercy of politicians and bureaucrats," the Cato Institute's Colleen Hroncich wrote in 2022. "That means they don't have to rely on political battles when it comes to education."

That's undoubtedly a big part of the impetusmothe for recent school choice victories that expand options for families, as well as decisions parents and students make to embrace those options. Homeschooling and other education alternatives are on the rise because they're liberating, and they work.

The post Homeschooling Grows as an Escape from Failing Schools and Curriculum Fights appeared first on Reason.com.

VinFast, a Vietnamese automaker that builds electric vehicles, announced in July that it would not begin production at its North Carolina plant for another four years. While the news is certainly a setback, the disappointment is compounded by the fact that the state is trying to bulldoze a number of private homes, and a church, to make the project happen.

In March 2022, North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper announced that VinFast would build its first North American plant in Chatham County. The company would spend $4 billion and create 7,500 jobs, with production from the completed factory set to begin in July 2024. At its peak, the facility would be capable of producing 150,000 vehicles per year.

In exchange, North Carolina lawmakers agreed to give the company $1.25 billion in incentives, including $450 million for infrastructure, including "roadway improvements" and building out the water and sewer capacity; $400 million from the county; and a $316 million state grant paid out over 32 years, linked to the company's job creation promises. In effect, North Carolina taxpayers would be financing over 30 percent of the project.

President Joe Biden called the project "the latest example of my economic strategy at work." CNBC lauded the state's Democratic governor and Republican Legislature for "managing to put aside their very deep political divisions to boost business and the economy" when it named North Carolina America's Top State for Business.

But within two years, the deal was on shaky ground. The company announced in March 2023 that it would not be able to begin production at the factory until at least 2025 "because we need more time to complete administrative procedures," according to a company spokesperson.

Then in July 2024, in a press release about manufacturing output in the previous quarter, VinFast announced that it had "made the strategic decision to adjust the timeline for the launch of its North Carolina manufacturing facility, which is now expected to begin production in 2028," in order to "optimize its capital allocation and manage its short-term spending more effectively."

While this is disappointing news for many—company executives, shareholders, North Carolina state officials—it's worse for residents in the area.

Many of the state and county incentives are dependent upon VinFast meeting certain metrics: While the state doled out $125 million to reimburse the company for site preparation costs, it can claw back that entire amount if VinFast fails to hire at least 3,875 people—just over 50 percent of the required total. There are further clawback provisions if it doesn't hire at least 6,000 people and doesn't invest at least $2 billion into the project.

But even if the deal falls apart and the state gets its money back, some things can't be undone. As part of the deal, the North Carolina Department of Transportation (NCDOT) would conduct "roadway improvements" at the future site of the facility. As detailed in an August 2022 project overview, "private property is needed to construct the improvements proposed by the roadway project." And while the NCDOT "works to minimize impacts such as the number of homes and businesses displaced by a road project, some impacts are unavoidable."

In total, the state expected that the roadwork would "impact" five businesses, 27 homes, and Merry Oaks Baptist Church, which had stood since 1888. This meant the state was authorized to purchase the properties from the owners—or if the owners refused to sell, the state could simply take the properties through eminent domain.

Eminent domain, authorized by the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment, allows government entities to seize private property for public use, as long as the owner receives "just compensation." Of course, the only thing that separates this from a normal real estate transaction is that the use of eminent domain implies that the property owner did not want to sell but was forced to anyway.

While an electric car factory does not qualify as a "public use," the state is planning to bulldoze the houses, businesses, and church to make way for a new roadway interchange that will accommodate traffic to and from the site. Of course, under the U.S. Supreme Court's 2005 decision in Kelo v. New London, the state would also have been justified to seize property to give to a purely private party, with Justice John Paul Stevens writing that "there is no basis for exempting economic development from our traditionally broad understanding of public purpose."

In fact, that seems to be just what happened: In July, after VinFast announced its latest delay, the Raleigh News & Observer reported that so far the state had spent $96 million—nearly all of it on site preparation and infrastructure—and purchased four homes, with negotiations ongoing with other homeowners and two businesses. And sadly, "North Carolina has acquired two businesses and Merry Oaks Baptist Church through eminent domain, meaning negotiations fell short and the state took over the land after paying the previous owners fair market values assessed by a state-approved appraiser."

In July 2023, VinFast offered to donate up to three acres of land from its 2,000-acre parcel to Merry Oaks Baptist Church so the congregation could relocate. But a better solution would have been for VinFast to simply shoulder the burden of development in the first place, first by footing the bill for the project itself and then by obtaining land where the government did not forcibly remove any obstacles in the way.

The post VinFast Delays Production After North Carolina Seizes Property for Factory Site appeared first on Reason.com.

Enlarge (credit: Aurich Lawson | Getty Images)

Pornhub will soon be blocked in five more states as the adult site continues to fight what it considers privacy-infringing age-verification laws that require Internet users to provide an ID to access pornography.

On July 1, according to a blog post on the adult site announcing the impending block, Pornhub visitors in Indiana, Idaho, Kansas, Kentucky, and Nebraska will be "greeted by a video featuring" adult entertainer Cherie Deville, "who explains why we had to make the difficult decision to block them from accessing Pornhub."

Pornhub explained that—similar to blocks in Texas, Utah, Arkansas, Virginia, Montana, North Carolina, and Mississippi—the site refuses to comply with soon-to-be-enforceable age-verification laws in this new batch of states that allegedly put users at "substantial risk" of identity theft, phishing, and other harms.

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No matter how you might feel about constitutional rights or which ones are your favorites, the fact remains that it’s often people with the least amount of cultural cachet and/or the most to lose who make the best case law.

And so it is here, where we’re dealing with a sex offender who tried to follow both the letter and spirit of the law just to find himself arrested by the same people who defined the letter of the law for him.

However you may feel about sex offenders (and keep in mind this list includes teens who sexted other teens), there’s no denying they’re subject to some very extreme restrictions. These restrictions make it almost impossible for them to find housing. They certainly make it impossible for them to find anything but the worst forms of employment. And, in many states, paying for your crimes with jail time means nothing. Offenders (and not even those suspected to be prone to re-offending) are saddled with years — if not decades — of work/life restrictions that far surpass those handed to people convicted of violent crimes.

But, as long as offenders comply with these restrictions, they can continue whatever’s left of their lives in (very restricted) freedom. But the rules are complex, subject to change, and subject to broad interpretation by the government employees tasked with enforcing them.

This decision [PDF], issued by the Fourth Circuit Appeals Court, calls out cops for actions one usually expects from corrupt government employees doing the bidding of their totalitarian masters. The US is — at least until the next presidential election — still a democratic republic. The sorts of things detailed here simply should not be happening. (h/t Short Circuit)

North Carolina resident David Thurston sued after he was pretty much railroaded by local law enforcement officers who arrested him for (supposedly) violating his sex offender registration requirements. Thurston pleaded guilty to sexual assault of a minor charges in 1992. He served his time in Montana. He moved to North Carolina more than thirty years later, in 2015. He contacted Sheriff Kevin Frye and Deputy Lee Buchanan to make sure he complied with his new home’s offender registration requirements.

He complied with the state’s restrictions. A year after moving to North Carolina, Thurston contacted the sheriff to inform him he was planning to attend his nephew’s wedding in Spokane, Washington the following month. He asked for guidance on how to handle this temporary exit from the state, as well as what he needed to do to ensure compliance during this visit as well as after his return from the wedding.

Sheriff Frye was understanding, even if he wasn’t all that much help.

After they exchanged texts, Sheriff Frye told Thurston on August 11 that he could “[g]o on” because the Sheriff’s Office was “working on it.” All Thurston needed to do, Sheriff Frye explained, was email a copy of Thurston’s Washington visitor-registration form within ten days of his arrival.

Having seemingly been given permission to attend this wedding and stay in Washington until he decided to return to North Carolina, Thurston left town. But his trip was immediately interrupted by Sheriff Frye, who now seemed a bit more concerned with keeping tabs on Thurston’s whereabouts. He asked Thurston for the address where he would be staying and to contact him after he arrived in Washington. Thurston immediately provided the address and promised to reach out after his arrival.

Once in Washington, Thurston contacted local law enforcement to register as a “visitor” in order to remain in compliance with his sex offender obligations. Thurston stayed in Spokane for the next month, during which he made a couple of trips to Seattle to visit a friend.

The sheriff and his office should have known Thurston was still in Washington. But they either forgot about the trip he had informed them about or simply didn’t care. Either way, the deputy charged with handling sex offenders began making things worse for Thurston, who was still in full compliance with the Sheriff’s demands and North Carolina law.

On September 9, while Thurston was away, the Sheriff’s Office mailed his verification form. Thurston’s sister, who lived with him in North Carolina, told him about the form, prompting Thurston to contact Sheriff Frye for guidance. But Sheriff Frye never responded, so Thurston decided to “let it lie,” given their prior interactions.

The Sheriff’s Office, however, did not “let it lie.” Instead, Deputy Buchanan began investigating Thurston. Three times after Thurston’s September 12 verification deadline, Deputy Buchanan stopped by Thurston’s residence. Of course, Thurston was not there.

Roughly six weeks after his arrival in Spokane, the Spokane Sheriff’s Department contacted Thurston to inform him that (North Carolina) deputy Lee Buchanan was “looking for him.” Thurston called Deputy Buchanan, who told him his “absence” was “causing problems back home.” The deputy also (incorrectly) informed Thurston that it was “illegal” for him to be out of the state for more than 30 days. Then the deputy said this:

[I]n the same breath, [Deputy Buchanan] also said that he had spoken with Sheriff Frye and had decided that, as long as Thurston was back in North Carolina by October 19, “there would be no problem.”

Thurston returned on October 19th. It didn’t matter, at least not to Deputy Buchanan.

Even so, Deputy Buchanan discussed potential criminal liability with an assistant district attorney, who recommended that Deputy Buchanan pursue charges against Thurston. And on October 19—knowing that he and Sheriff Frye had given Thurston until that day to return to the state—Deputy Buchanan obtained a warrant from a local magistrate alleging three different criminal violations committed from September 19 to October 18: (1) “being out of state for thirty (30) + days,” (2) willfully failing to return his verification, and (3) willfully failing to report in person to the Sheriff’s Office.

And the trap was set. Thurston went to the Avery County Sheriff’s Office (completely unprompted by law enforcement visits or calls) to deliver his verification form. In return for this, he was arrested. The charges were later dropped, with the prosecutor explaining it away as “a misunderstanding with regard to how to comply with technical requirements.”

Well, the only “misunderstanding” was on the part of Deputy Buchanan, who managed to “misunderstand” direct communications with his sheriff so poorly (whether deliberately or not) that he had a man arrested for doing exactly what he had been instructed to do both by Sheriff Frye and Deputy Buchanan.

That dog won’t hunt, says the Fourth Circuit. It cites the lower court’s findings, which it upholds here:

Deputy Buchanan and Sheriff Frye therefore needed some reason to believe that Thurston either purposefully violated the law or acted with some other improper purpose. But the district court’s order forecloses any argument that they believed this. Viewing the evidence in the light most favorable to Thurston, the district court accepted that both defendants “definitely knew that . . . Thurston was eager to comply with the law.” And the district court accepted that the officers knew that Sheriff Frye gave Thurston permission to travel and that Thurston followed every instruction the Sheriff’s Office gave him. In so concluding, the district court not only accepted the facts alleged about Thurston’s actions but also accepted that the officers had concluded, based on those actions, that Thurston was eager to comply with the law throughout his sojourn.

This sort of ruling means nothing if it’s not followed by a denial of qualified immunity. After all, officers are free to violate rights so long as they can credibly (lol) argue their clear violations of established rights were different enough from standing case law they could not have possibly known their actions were unconstitutional (even if it’s immediately obvious to everyone else). That doesn’t work here because (1) the rights violation is pretty fucking obvious and (2) the circuit has some precedent that aligns with the current case.

In this case, it’s the Fourth Circuit’s 2012 Merchant v. Bauer decision, which involved an officer seeking a search warrant to arrest someone for impersonating an officer. The court held then that the warrant was void and unconstitutional because the officer applying for it was in possession of knowledge that would have exonerated the suspect of the proposed criminal charge.

It’s the same thing here:

In other words, we held that knowledge of sufficiently exculpatory information trumps the inculpatory evidence of the warrant. So too here. The district court found that Sheriff Frye and Deputy Buchanan knew that Thurston was not acting willfully and thus could not satisfy each element of the relevant crimes, yet they sought a warrant and arrested him anyway. After Merchant, no reasonable officer could believe that an arrest in such circumstances was lawful.

If it’s not “reasonable,” it’s not constitutional. And since the standard is “reasonable officer” rather than “regular American,” reasonableness is the operative factor, even when most reasonable non-cops would clearly understand that arresting someone for following specific instructions issued by law enforcement officers is a violation of that person’s rights. There’s no new precedent here. But at least there’s another affirmation that trying to arrest someone for following the law is so far out of the range of “reasonable,” no officer can expect to be immunized for their blatant constitutional violations.

No matter how you might feel about constitutional rights or which ones are your favorites, the fact remains that it’s often people with the least amount of cultural cachet and/or the most to lose who make the best case law.

And so it is here, where we’re dealing with a sex offender who tried to follow both the letter and spirit of the law just to find himself arrested by the same people who defined the letter of the law for him.

However you may feel about sex offenders (and keep in mind this list includes teens who sexted other teens), there’s no denying they’re subject to some very extreme restrictions. These restrictions make it almost impossible for them to find housing. They certainly make it impossible for them to find anything but the worst forms of employment. And, in many states, paying for your crimes with jail time means nothing. Offenders (and not even those suspected to be prone to re-offending) are saddled with years — if not decades — of work/life restrictions that far surpass those handed to people convicted of violent crimes.

But, as long as offenders comply with these restrictions, they can continue whatever’s left of their lives in (very restricted) freedom. But the rules are complex, subject to change, and subject to broad interpretation by the government employees tasked with enforcing them.

This decision [PDF], issued by the Fourth Circuit Appeals Court, calls out cops for actions one usually expects from corrupt government employees doing the bidding of their totalitarian masters. The US is — at least until the next presidential election — still a democratic republic. The sorts of things detailed here simply should not be happening. (h/t Short Circuit)

North Carolina resident David Thurston sued after he was pretty much railroaded by local law enforcement officers who arrested him for (supposedly) violating his sex offender registration requirements. Thurston pleaded guilty to sexual assault of a minor charges in 1992. He served his time in Montana. He moved to North Carolina more than thirty years later, in 2015. He contacted Sheriff Kevin Frye and Deputy Lee Buchanan to make sure he complied with his new home’s offender registration requirements.

He complied with the state’s restrictions. A year after moving to North Carolina, Thurston contacted the sheriff to inform him he was planning to attend his nephew’s wedding in Spokane, Washington the following month. He asked for guidance on how to handle this temporary exit from the state, as well as what he needed to do to ensure compliance during this visit as well as after his return from the wedding.

Sheriff Frye was understanding, even if he wasn’t all that much help.

After they exchanged texts, Sheriff Frye told Thurston on August 11 that he could “[g]o on” because the Sheriff’s Office was “working on it.” All Thurston needed to do, Sheriff Frye explained, was email a copy of Thurston’s Washington visitor-registration form within ten days of his arrival.

Having seemingly been given permission to attend this wedding and stay in Washington until he decided to return to North Carolina, Thurston left town. But his trip was immediately interrupted by Sheriff Frye, who now seemed a bit more concerned with keeping tabs on Thurston’s whereabouts. He asked Thurston for the address where he would be staying and to contact him after he arrived in Washington. Thurston immediately provided the address and promised to reach out after his arrival.

Once in Washington, Thurston contacted local law enforcement to register as a “visitor” in order to remain in compliance with his sex offender obligations. Thurston stayed in Spokane for the next month, during which he made a couple of trips to Seattle to visit a friend.

The sheriff and his office should have known Thurston was still in Washington. But they either forgot about the trip he had informed them about or simply didn’t care. Either way, the deputy charged with handling sex offenders began making things worse for Thurston, who was still in full compliance with the Sheriff’s demands and North Carolina law.

On September 9, while Thurston was away, the Sheriff’s Office mailed his verification form. Thurston’s sister, who lived with him in North Carolina, told him about the form, prompting Thurston to contact Sheriff Frye for guidance. But Sheriff Frye never responded, so Thurston decided to “let it lie,” given their prior interactions.

The Sheriff’s Office, however, did not “let it lie.” Instead, Deputy Buchanan began investigating Thurston. Three times after Thurston’s September 12 verification deadline, Deputy Buchanan stopped by Thurston’s residence. Of course, Thurston was not there.

Roughly six weeks after his arrival in Spokane, the Spokane Sheriff’s Department contacted Thurston to inform him that (North Carolina) deputy Lee Buchanan was “looking for him.” Thurston called Deputy Buchanan, who told him his “absence” was “causing problems back home.” The deputy also (incorrectly) informed Thurston that it was “illegal” for him to be out of the state for more than 30 days. Then the deputy said this:

[I]n the same breath, [Deputy Buchanan] also said that he had spoken with Sheriff Frye and had decided that, as long as Thurston was back in North Carolina by October 19, “there would be no problem.”

Thurston returned on October 19th. It didn’t matter, at least not to Deputy Buchanan.

Even so, Deputy Buchanan discussed potential criminal liability with an assistant district attorney, who recommended that Deputy Buchanan pursue charges against Thurston. And on October 19—knowing that he and Sheriff Frye had given Thurston until that day to return to the state—Deputy Buchanan obtained a warrant from a local magistrate alleging three different criminal violations committed from September 19 to October 18: (1) “being out of state for thirty (30) + days,” (2) willfully failing to return his verification, and (3) willfully failing to report in person to the Sheriff’s Office.

And the trap was set. Thurston went to the Avery County Sheriff’s Office (completely unprompted by law enforcement visits or calls) to deliver his verification form. In return for this, he was arrested. The charges were later dropped, with the prosecutor explaining it away as “a misunderstanding with regard to how to comply with technical requirements.”

Well, the only “misunderstanding” was on the part of Deputy Buchanan, who managed to “misunderstand” direct communications with his sheriff so poorly (whether deliberately or not) that he had a man arrested for doing exactly what he had been instructed to do both by Sheriff Frye and Deputy Buchanan.

That dog won’t hunt, says the Fourth Circuit. It cites the lower court’s findings, which it upholds here:

Deputy Buchanan and Sheriff Frye therefore needed some reason to believe that Thurston either purposefully violated the law or acted with some other improper purpose. But the district court’s order forecloses any argument that they believed this. Viewing the evidence in the light most favorable to Thurston, the district court accepted that both defendants “definitely knew that . . . Thurston was eager to comply with the law.” And the district court accepted that the officers knew that Sheriff Frye gave Thurston permission to travel and that Thurston followed every instruction the Sheriff’s Office gave him. In so concluding, the district court not only accepted the facts alleged about Thurston’s actions but also accepted that the officers had concluded, based on those actions, that Thurston was eager to comply with the law throughout his sojourn.

This sort of ruling means nothing if it’s not followed by a denial of qualified immunity. After all, officers are free to violate rights so long as they can credibly (lol) argue their clear violations of established rights were different enough from standing case law they could not have possibly known their actions were unconstitutional (even if it’s immediately obvious to everyone else). That doesn’t work here because (1) the rights violation is pretty fucking obvious and (2) the circuit has some precedent that aligns with the current case.

In this case, it’s the Fourth Circuit’s 2012 Merchant v. Bauer decision, which involved an officer seeking a search warrant to arrest someone for impersonating an officer. The court held then that the warrant was void and unconstitutional because the officer applying for it was in possession of knowledge that would have exonerated the suspect of the proposed criminal charge.

It’s the same thing here:

In other words, we held that knowledge of sufficiently exculpatory information trumps the inculpatory evidence of the warrant. So too here. The district court found that Sheriff Frye and Deputy Buchanan knew that Thurston was not acting willfully and thus could not satisfy each element of the relevant crimes, yet they sought a warrant and arrested him anyway. After Merchant, no reasonable officer could believe that an arrest in such circumstances was lawful.

If it’s not “reasonable,” it’s not constitutional. And since the standard is “reasonable officer” rather than “regular American,” reasonableness is the operative factor, even when most reasonable non-cops would clearly understand that arresting someone for following specific instructions issued by law enforcement officers is a violation of that person’s rights. There’s no new precedent here. But at least there’s another affirmation that trying to arrest someone for following the law is so far out of the range of “reasonable,” no officer can expect to be immunized for their blatant constitutional violations.

No matter how you might feel about constitutional rights or which ones are your favorites, the fact remains that it’s often people with the least amount of cultural cachet and/or the most to lose who make the best case law.

And so it is here, where we’re dealing with a sex offender who tried to follow both the letter and spirit of the law just to find himself arrested by the same people who defined the letter of the law for him.

However you may feel about sex offenders (and keep in mind this list includes teens who sexted other teens), there’s no denying they’re subject to some very extreme restrictions. These restrictions make it almost impossible for them to find housing. They certainly make it impossible for them to find anything but the worst forms of employment. And, in many states, paying for your crimes with jail time means nothing. Offenders (and not even those suspected to be prone to re-offending) are saddled with years — if not decades — of work/life restrictions that far surpass those handed to people convicted of violent crimes.

But, as long as offenders comply with these restrictions, they can continue whatever’s left of their lives in (very restricted) freedom. But the rules are complex, subject to change, and subject to broad interpretation by the government employees tasked with enforcing them.

This decision [PDF], issued by the Fourth Circuit Appeals Court, calls out cops for actions one usually expects from corrupt government employees doing the bidding of their totalitarian masters. The US is — at least until the next presidential election — still a democratic republic. The sorts of things detailed here simply should not be happening. (h/t Short Circuit)

North Carolina resident David Thurston sued after he was pretty much railroaded by local law enforcement officers who arrested him for (supposedly) violating his sex offender registration requirements. Thurston pleaded guilty to sexual assault of a minor charges in 1992. He served his time in Montana. He moved to North Carolina more than thirty years later, in 2015. He contacted Sheriff Kevin Frye and Deputy Lee Buchanan to make sure he complied with his new home’s offender registration requirements.

He complied with the state’s restrictions. A year after moving to North Carolina, Thurston contacted the sheriff to inform him he was planning to attend his nephew’s wedding in Spokane, Washington the following month. He asked for guidance on how to handle this temporary exit from the state, as well as what he needed to do to ensure compliance during this visit as well as after his return from the wedding.

Sheriff Frye was understanding, even if he wasn’t all that much help.

After they exchanged texts, Sheriff Frye told Thurston on August 11 that he could “[g]o on” because the Sheriff’s Office was “working on it.” All Thurston needed to do, Sheriff Frye explained, was email a copy of Thurston’s Washington visitor-registration form within ten days of his arrival.

Having seemingly been given permission to attend this wedding and stay in Washington until he decided to return to North Carolina, Thurston left town. But his trip was immediately interrupted by Sheriff Frye, who now seemed a bit more concerned with keeping tabs on Thurston’s whereabouts. He asked Thurston for the address where he would be staying and to contact him after he arrived in Washington. Thurston immediately provided the address and promised to reach out after his arrival.

Once in Washington, Thurston contacted local law enforcement to register as a “visitor” in order to remain in compliance with his sex offender obligations. Thurston stayed in Spokane for the next month, during which he made a couple of trips to Seattle to visit a friend.

The sheriff and his office should have known Thurston was still in Washington. But they either forgot about the trip he had informed them about or simply didn’t care. Either way, the deputy charged with handling sex offenders began making things worse for Thurston, who was still in full compliance with the Sheriff’s demands and North Carolina law.

On September 9, while Thurston was away, the Sheriff’s Office mailed his verification form. Thurston’s sister, who lived with him in North Carolina, told him about the form, prompting Thurston to contact Sheriff Frye for guidance. But Sheriff Frye never responded, so Thurston decided to “let it lie,” given their prior interactions.

The Sheriff’s Office, however, did not “let it lie.” Instead, Deputy Buchanan began investigating Thurston. Three times after Thurston’s September 12 verification deadline, Deputy Buchanan stopped by Thurston’s residence. Of course, Thurston was not there.

Roughly six weeks after his arrival in Spokane, the Spokane Sheriff’s Department contacted Thurston to inform him that (North Carolina) deputy Lee Buchanan was “looking for him.” Thurston called Deputy Buchanan, who told him his “absence” was “causing problems back home.” The deputy also (incorrectly) informed Thurston that it was “illegal” for him to be out of the state for more than 30 days. Then the deputy said this:

[I]n the same breath, [Deputy Buchanan] also said that he had spoken with Sheriff Frye and had decided that, as long as Thurston was back in North Carolina by October 19, “there would be no problem.”

Thurston returned on October 19th. It didn’t matter, at least not to Deputy Buchanan.

Even so, Deputy Buchanan discussed potential criminal liability with an assistant district attorney, who recommended that Deputy Buchanan pursue charges against Thurston. And on October 19—knowing that he and Sheriff Frye had given Thurston until that day to return to the state—Deputy Buchanan obtained a warrant from a local magistrate alleging three different criminal violations committed from September 19 to October 18: (1) “being out of state for thirty (30) + days,” (2) willfully failing to return his verification, and (3) willfully failing to report in person to the Sheriff’s Office.

And the trap was set. Thurston went to the Avery County Sheriff’s Office (completely unprompted by law enforcement visits or calls) to deliver his verification form. In return for this, he was arrested. The charges were later dropped, with the prosecutor explaining it away as “a misunderstanding with regard to how to comply with technical requirements.”

Well, the only “misunderstanding” was on the part of Deputy Buchanan, who managed to “misunderstand” direct communications with his sheriff so poorly (whether deliberately or not) that he had a man arrested for doing exactly what he had been instructed to do both by Sheriff Frye and Deputy Buchanan.

That dog won’t hunt, says the Fourth Circuit. It cites the lower court’s findings, which it upholds here:

Deputy Buchanan and Sheriff Frye therefore needed some reason to believe that Thurston either purposefully violated the law or acted with some other improper purpose. But the district court’s order forecloses any argument that they believed this. Viewing the evidence in the light most favorable to Thurston, the district court accepted that both defendants “definitely knew that . . . Thurston was eager to comply with the law.” And the district court accepted that the officers knew that Sheriff Frye gave Thurston permission to travel and that Thurston followed every instruction the Sheriff’s Office gave him. In so concluding, the district court not only accepted the facts alleged about Thurston’s actions but also accepted that the officers had concluded, based on those actions, that Thurston was eager to comply with the law throughout his sojourn.

This sort of ruling means nothing if it’s not followed by a denial of qualified immunity. After all, officers are free to violate rights so long as they can credibly (lol) argue their clear violations of established rights were different enough from standing case law they could not have possibly known their actions were unconstitutional (even if it’s immediately obvious to everyone else). That doesn’t work here because (1) the rights violation is pretty fucking obvious and (2) the circuit has some precedent that aligns with the current case.

In this case, it’s the Fourth Circuit’s 2012 Merchant v. Bauer decision, which involved an officer seeking a search warrant to arrest someone for impersonating an officer. The court held then that the warrant was void and unconstitutional because the officer applying for it was in possession of knowledge that would have exonerated the suspect of the proposed criminal charge.

It’s the same thing here:

In other words, we held that knowledge of sufficiently exculpatory information trumps the inculpatory evidence of the warrant. So too here. The district court found that Sheriff Frye and Deputy Buchanan knew that Thurston was not acting willfully and thus could not satisfy each element of the relevant crimes, yet they sought a warrant and arrested him anyway. After Merchant, no reasonable officer could believe that an arrest in such circumstances was lawful.

If it’s not “reasonable,” it’s not constitutional. And since the standard is “reasonable officer” rather than “regular American,” reasonableness is the operative factor, even when most reasonable non-cops would clearly understand that arresting someone for following specific instructions issued by law enforcement officers is a violation of that person’s rights. There’s no new precedent here. But at least there’s another affirmation that trying to arrest someone for following the law is so far out of the range of “reasonable,” no officer can expect to be immunized for their blatant constitutional violations.