You’ve all heard the reports about how the internet, social media, and phones are apparently destroying everyone’s well being and mental health. Hell there’s a best selling book and its author making the rounds basically everywhere, insisting that the internet and phones are literally “rewiring” kids minds to be depressed. We’ve pointed out over and over again that the research does not appear to support this finding.

And, really, if the data supported such a finding, you’d think that a new study looking at nearly 2 and a half million people across 168 countries would… maybe… find such an impact?

Instead, the research seems to suggest much more complex relationships, in which for many people, this ability to connect with others and with information are largely beneficial. For many others, it’s basically neutral. And for a small percentage of people, there does appear to be a negative relationship, which we should take seriously. However, it often appears that that negative relationship is one where those who are already dealing with mental health or other struggles, turn to the internet when they have no where else to go, and may do so in less than helpful ways.

The Oxford Internet Institute has just released another new study by Andrew Przybylski and Matti Vuorre, showing that there appears to be a general positive association between internet usage and wellbeing. You can read the full study here, given that it has been published as open access (and under a CC BY 4.0 license). We’ve also embedded it below if you just want to read it there.

As with previous studies done by Vuorre and Przbylski, this one involves looking at pretty massive datasets, rather than very narrow studies of small sample sizes.

We examined whether having (mobile) internet access or actively using the internet predicted eight well-being outcomes from 2006 to 2021 among 2,414,294 individuals across 168 countries. We first queried the extent to which well-being varied as a function of internet connectivity. Then, we examined these associations’ robustness in a multiverse of 33,792 analysis specifications. Of these, 84.9% resulted in positive and statistically significant associations between internet connectivity and well-being. These results indicate that internet access and use predict well-being positively and independently from a set of plausible alternatives.

Now, it’s important to be clear here, as we have been with studies cited for the opposite conclusion: this is a correlational study, and is not suggesting a direct causal relationship between having internet access and wellbeing. But, if (as folks on the other side claim) internet access was truly rewiring brains and making everyone depressed, it’s difficult to see how then we would see these kinds of outcomes.

People like Jonathan Haidt have argued that these kinds of studies obscure the harm done to teens (and especially teenaged girls) as his way of dismissing these sorts of studies. However, it’s nice to see the researchers here try to tease out possible explanations, to make sure such things weren’t hidden in the data:

Because of the large number of predictors, outcomes, subgroups to analyze, and potentially important covariates that might theoretically explain observed associations, we sought out a method of analysis to transparently present all the analytical choices we made and the uncertainty in the resulting analyses. Multiverse analysis (Steegen et al., 2016) was initially proposed to examine and transparently present variability in findings across heterogeneous ways of treating data before modeling them (see also Simonsohn et al., 2020). We therefore conducted a series of multiverse analyses where we repeatedly fitted a similar model to potentially different subgroups of the data using potentially different predictors, outcomes, and covariates.

That allowed them to explore questions regarding different subgroups. And while they did find one “negative association” among young women, it was not in the way you might have heard or would have thought of. There was a “negative association” between “community well-being” and internet access:

We did, however, observe a notable group of negative associations between internet use and community well-being. These negative associations were specific to young (15–24-year-old) women’s reports of community well-being. They occurred across the full spectrum of covariate specifications and were thereby not likely driven by a particular model specification. Although not an identified causal relation, this finding is concordant with previous reports of increased cyberbullying (Przybylski & Bowes, 2017) and more negative associations between social media use and depressive symptoms (Kelly et al., 2018; but see Kreski et al., 2021). Further research should investigate whether low community well-being drives engagement with the internet or vice versa.

This took me a moment to understand, but after reading the details, it’s showing that (1) if you were a 15 to 24-year old woman and (2) if you said in the survey that you really liked where you live (3) you were less likely to have accessed the internet over the past seven days. That was the only significant finding of that nature. That same cohort did not show a negative correlation for other areas of well being around fulfilment and such.

To be even more explicit: the “negative association” was only with young women who answered that they strongly agree with the statement “the city or area where you live is a perfect place for you” and then answered the question “have you used the internet in the past seven days.” There were many other questions regarding well-being that didn’t have such a negative association. This included things like rating how their life was from “best” to “worst” on a 10 point scale, and whether or not respondents “like what you do every day.”

So, what this actually appears to do is support is the idea that if you are happy with where you live (happy in your community) than you may be less focused on the internet. But, for just about every other measure of well-being it’s strongly correlated in a positive way with internet access. There are a few possible explanations for this, but at the very least it might support the theory that the studies of those who are both facing mental health problems and excessive internet usage may stem from problems outside of the internet, leading them to turn to the internet for a lack of other places to turn.

The authors are careful to note the limitations of their findings, and recognize that human beings are complex:

Nevertheless, our conclusions are qualified by a number of factors. First, we compared individuals to each other. There are likely myriad other features of the human condition that are associated with both the uptake of internet technologies and well-being in such a manner that they might cause spurious associations or mask true associations. For example, because a certain level of income is required to access the internet and income itself is associated with well-being, any simple association between internet use and well-being should account for potential differences in income levels. While we attempted to adjust for such features by including various covariates in our models, the data and theory to guide model selection were both limited.

Second, while between-person data such as we studied can inform inferences about average causal effects, longitudinal studies that track individuals and their internet use over time would be more informative in understanding the contexts of how and why an individual might be affected by internet technologies and platforms (Rohrer & Murayama, 2021).

Third, while the constructs that we studied represent the general gamut of well-being outcomes that are typically studied in connection to digital media and technology, they do not capture everything, nor are they standard and methodically validated measures otherwise found in the psychological literature. That is, the GWP data that we used represent a uniquely valuable resource in terms of its scope both over time and space. But the measurement quality of its items and scales might not be sufficient to capture the targeted constructs in the detailed manner that we would hope for. It is therefore possible that there are other features of well-being that are differently affected by internet technologies and that our estimates might be noisier than would be found using psychometrically validated instruments. Future work in this area would do well in adopting a set of common validated measures of well-being (Elson et al., 2023).

On the whole it’s great to see more research and more data here, suggesting that, yes, there is a very complex relationship between internet access and wellbeing, but it should be increasingly difficult to claim that internet access is an overall negative and harmful, no matter what the popular media and politicians tell you.